You may not be a know-it-all, but…

## You don't have to be a know-it-all, but...

Kazakhstan is completing a key stage of political reform: this Sunday, citizens will elect for the first time a new unicameral parliament – the Kurultai – consisting of 145 deputies who will be granted the power to pass the country's fundamental laws. Exclusive.kz conducted a detailed analysis of the professional experience of all 545 registered candidates. The study revealed a significant lack of specialized knowledge among future legislators in five key areas. However, paradoxically, it is precisely this competence gap that could prompt the new parliament to abandon the illusion of "all-knowing deputies" and improve the quality of the laws passed.

The formation of the new parliament is taking place within the framework of an updated electoral model. The complete abandonment of single-mandate constituencies and the transition to a 100% proportional system means that citizens vote exclusively for party brands. In this situation, the center of personnel decisions has shifted to party headquarters, where candidate lists are compiled, which have become ready-made portfolios of management assets.

As a result, the new representative body is in many ways reminiscent of the board of directors of a large enterprise. Through closed lists, various influence groups seek to convert their administrative and financial clout into official parliamentary mandates. The main goal of this model is to ensure the stable functioning of the state apparatus and the smooth approval of budgets and bills without protracted public conflicts.

Before the elections, there was a noticeable change in party spokespersons. The most emotional deputies of previous convocations, who were adept at drawing attention to controversial issues, completely disappeared from the electoral field. Their place was taken by reserved managers accustomed to working with documents, such as former state adviser Yerlan Karin or former head of the Supreme Audit Chamber Natalia Godunova.

An analysis of all seven registered parties reveals a clear specialization of their lists. The largest list belongs to the "Adilet" party, which includes 186 candidates, including many former ministers and heads of national companies, while 33.8% are from the AMANAT party. The Respublica Party nominated 76 candidates with an average age of 41, focusing on business and media, while entrepreneurs account for 47.6% of the Ak Zhol party's 63-candidate list.

The remaining candidates formed lists tailored to their traditional constituencies. The Auyl Party nominated 69 candidates, focusing on the agricultural sector and rural areas. The People's Party of Kazakhstan is represented by 72 candidates, predominantly educational institution directors and representatives of the social sector. The Baitak Party included 51 environmentalists and social activists, while the OSDP list of 33 members is 87.9% comprised of internal party workers.

Statistics also show a high rate of return of experienced members. A total of 53 people are on the lists of all parties who previously held parliamentary mandates in previous parliamentary convocations. Under the baseline seat distribution scenario, these proven specialists could occupy approximately 36.5% of the seats in the 145-seat Kurultai.

The existing cadre is well-versed in administrative and disciplinary matters. However, day-to-day lawmaking requires deputies to have a deep understanding of specific technological and economic processes. It is at the intersection of theory and practice that specific topics arise where candidates' general management experience may prove insufficient.

### Five Key Industries: A Detailed Audit of the Staffing Shortage

The first challenging area for the future Kurultai will be public financial planning and tax audits.

The country is entering the implementation phase of the new Tax Code. Legislative work in this area requires not just a general understanding of business, but also an understanding of audit methodology and financial compliance—that is, the system for monitoring compliance with laws and financial reporting regulations.

The list of candidates includes recognized, high-level experts. The Adilet party is represented by Natalia Godunova, former head of the Supreme Audit Chamber, and Asel Khairova, former head of the international audit agency KPMG in Kazakhstan. The Respublica party is represented by Saken Karin, Chair of the Association of Tax Consultants. However, these specialists are few and far between compared to hundreds of entrepreneurs. Businessmen occupy almost half of the seats on the Ak Zhol list, while Respublica has more than a third.

Most of the business candidates represent the service sector and small businesses, including coffee shops and medical centers. Their experience is useful for understanding the challenges of small businesses, but it is insufficient for assessing long-term tax reforms or the operating rules of the Astana International Financial Center. As a result, parliamentary discussions risk shifting from overall macroeconomic benefits to protecting the interests of specific trade and service sectors.

The second critical area is energy security.

The August blackout in Almaty and the Almaty region, caused by a failure at the Toktogul hydroelectric power station, clearly exposed the vulnerability of KEGOC's transmission grid, which is over 70% deteriorated. Against this backdrop, legislators must approve investment programs and tariff rules that require precise engineering calculations.

A detailed audit shows that of the 545 candidates, only about eight have a relevant background in the energy sector. On the Ak Zhol list, this sector is represented by Bagdaulet Malamov and Askar Myrgaliyev, heads of private service companies. The Respublica party has its only regional specialist, Nursultan Temirkhanov from Energo Taraz, and the Baitak party has Nazgen Makhambetova, head of the environmental protection department at PetroKazakhstan Oil Products.

The construction of a nuclear power plant, which will be the most expensive project in the country's history, deserves special attention. Expertise in the peaceful use of nuclear energy is almost entirely concentrated in a single party, "Adilet." Its list includes Erlan Batyrbekov, Director General of the National Nuclear Center; Sergey Bezhetsky, Director of the Ulba Metallurgical Plant; and Asem Sartbayeva, a specialist at Kazatomprom. No other parties have nuclear physicists in the field, precluding the possibility of meaningful opposition on this topic between the different factions.

The third problematic area concerns urban planning and seismic safety.

For the development of megacities like Almaty, and in particular for the future new city of Alatau, it is critical to have people in parliament capable of assessing soil strength and construction quality at an engineering level.

A strong lobby of construction and road company executives has formed on the party lists, including Mirkhat Kasymbayev from Respublica, Muratbek Mukhambediev from "Adilet," and Dauren Akhmetzhanov from Ak Zhol. However, only a small group of technical specialists acts as a counterweight to the construction industry. Among them are hydrogeologist Nurgul Saburova from the Baitak party, urban development expert Dauren Maralov from the Adilet party, and Viktor Podnebesny, head of the Urban Safety Council from the People's Party of Kazakhstan.

There are no active seismic engineers or specialists in high-rise building strength calculations among the candidates. With developers' interests widely represented and independent seismic engineering absent from parliament, this creates the opportunity to pass laws that benefit construction companies but weaken urban planning regulations.

The fourth area concerns transport and logistics infrastructure and international aviation law.

Kazakhstan is actively developing direct air links with foreign cities and building transit hubs. To approve international agreements on "open skies" and transit regulations, parliamentarians need a thorough knowledge of international law.

The actual lists are dominated by general specialists in the transport sector. The People's Party of Kazakhstan is represented by manager Darkhan Ramazanov, while Ak Zhol is represented by the head of a fuel supply company, Andriy Linik. There are no specialists in aviation law or international airport network planning among the candidates, making parliament completely dependent on the wording proposed by the relevant ministry.

The fifth narrow topic was digital medicine and the reform of the compulsory social health insurance (OSMS) system.

The main problem in this area remains the billion-dollar fraudulent additions and duplicate data entry in medical databases. To solve this problem, we need not just doctors, but IT architects skilled in building database security and analyzing digital traces.

The personnel audit reveals a division of candidates into two groups. On the one hand, the lists include respected medical practitioners, such as Dilyara Kaidarova from "Adilet" and Aidos Doskaliyev from Respublica. On the other hand, there are strong IT managers, including former Minister Bagdat Musin and his former subordinate Kanysh Tuleushin.

However, there is a missing link between doctors and IT managers—specialists in medical database architecture. Doctors understand the clinical aspects, and IT managers understand the overall state system, but neither has worked directly on the technical cleanup of the compulsory health insurance (CHIS) registries. Without such specialists, parliament will be unable to independently propose mechanisms to eliminate false positives.

### The Mechanics of Change: Why Deputies Will Have to Turn to Science

At first glance, the identified shortage of specialized specialists in five key areas seems a serious drawback to the new Kurultai. However, to be fair, it cannot be said that deputies of previous convocations possessed all of these competencies. At the same time, the peculiarities of a unicameral system create conditions under which this problem can become an incentive for the high-quality development of legislative work.

In previous years, Majilis deputies often attempted to portray themselves as universal experts, versed in all matters. The existence of two chambers created the illusion of a safety net: it was believed that the Senate could always correct any mistakes made by the lower house. This led to the adoption of declaratory laws that looked good on paper but encountered technical difficulties when applied in practice.

In the new system, the Senate is eliminated, and the Kurultai becomes the country's sole legislative body. If a law passed by it contains a technical error, causes a power outage, or creates a budget hole, it is unlikely to be repealed before it comes into force. The absence of a second chamber creates direct and inescapable liability for the final quality of each document.

The second reason is related to the need to maintain independence vis-à-vis the executive branch. Any ministry has a staff of specialized specialists and can easily justify a figure or norm that suits it. And if deputies lack their own specialized knowledge, they will be forced to either agree with officials' proposals or seek independent expert review.

This is where the logic of a corporate board of directors comes into play. In business, council members typically don't conduct audits themselves or design production lines entirely on their own. Their job is to formulate the right requirements and hire reputable external consultants capable of providing an independent assessment of project risks.

This approach will force party factions to build ongoing working relationships with the scientific and professional communities. Lacking their own nuclear scientists, seismologists, or IT architects, deputies will likely be forced to attract scientists from institutes of the Academy of Sciences, experts from industry associations, and university representatives.

As a result, the necessary scientific advisory boards will begin to form within the Kurultai committees. Their opinions will become a mandatory filter before voting on complex bills. The lack of specialized expertise within parliament is compensated for by the involvement of specialists who are not involved in politics but possess unquestionable authority in their profession.

Thus, ahead of the August 23 elections, it seems that the main criterion for the success of the new Kurultai will be the final rejection of the role of the "all-knowing deputy."

For decades, elected representatives have sought to project the image of universal specialists, capable of understanding absolutely everything without assistance—from electricity tariffs to the intricacies of bioengineering. However, in a unicameral parliament, such imitation of competence poses a direct risk to the state, as there will be no one to promptly correct the mistake of a "know-it-all" deputy. The ability of factions to promptly recognize the limits of their own narrow expertise, overcome political arrogance, and engage professional scientists and practitioners in the drafting of laws will be the main proof of the maturity of the new system. It is precisely this shift from self-confident declarations to a science-based dialogue with experts that will make Kazakhstan's lawmaking process more balanced.