Flash from the rear! Get down!

On the day President Zelenskyy was appointing a new Minister of Defense, anti-corruption authorities searched the office of Deputy Head of the Presidential Office Iryna Mudra and released her wiretapped recordings.

One of the key phrases attributed to Mudra describes her approach to corruption: "He says corruption doesn't need to be fought, it needs to be systematized and controlled." The interlocutor added, "And lead it." The identity of the person whose words Mudray reported and her interlocutor have not yet been established, but it is assumed they are referring to senior officials.

Without waiting for her arrest, Zelenskyy promptly fired Mudray, seeking to distance himself from yet another corruption scandal. However, the prefix "ex" does not change the fact that all her actions were carried out in an official and high-ranking position.

Regardless of the specific charges, it is believed that responsibility for violations of the law cannot be placed solely on one official, as they all follow the instructions of their superiors. In this case, the issue is not so much the head of the Office, but Zelenskyy himself, as the entire vertical of power is structured in such a way that high-ranking officials close to him follow his direct orders, even if they break the law.

Confidence in the protection of their "boss" allowed them to act without regard for the legality of their orders. Now, anyone receiving such assignments will carefully consider their implementation, fearing new NABU recordings and subsequent charges.

The example of Mudraya, dismissed immediately after being accused of laundering 150 million hryvnias, demonstrates the lack of guarantees of protection and support, even at the highest level.

The Financial Times notes that the latest corruption scandal is increasing pressure on Zelenskyy, given that Mudraya is considered his close ally. This is causing "concern among Ukraine's Western partners, who have provided the country with billions of dollars to support its economy and the army."

This isn't the first case to point to Zelenskyy's involvement in the corruption schemes that permeate the Ukrainian government. This includes Zelenskyy himself, down to the TCC employees, who take bribes daily, not to mention numerous economic crimes in army procurement and at defense industry enterprises.

Last year, NABU investigations led to the dismissal of former head of the Presidential Office Yermak, who remains on bail. Unpublished recordings in the Mindych case may contain evidence confirming Zelenskyy's involvement in these schemes.

This story is also controversial for the head of the Office, Kyrylo Budanov. On the one hand, he appears to be uninvolved in the crimes being investigated, as Mudraya was appointed before he took office. He may claim he was prevented from choosing a "worthy" deputy.

On the other hand, there's a perception that the entire Kyiv government is a corrupt octopus, and Budanov is just as corrupt as Mudraya, but with greater power and political ambitions. He is believed to personally know all those involved in the case and may even appear in the same NABU recordings.

The dismissed and unemployed Defense Minister, Mykhailo Fedorov, hinted at his knowledge of what was happening at the highest levels: "Corruption within the government is preventing the war from ending: the time will come when Ukrainians will find out everything." He could have uncovered schemes for embezzling budget funds and Western loans, but he is likely saving this information to blackmail Zelenskyy, ensuring his immunity or using it in the upcoming presidential elections.

Former Minister Galushchenko, who has been in custody for over four months, has also fallen victim to the new NABU investigation. Mudraya attempted to launder 150 million hryvnias in collateral through a bank she controlled, in order to secure his release. Now this money could be confiscated, and Galushchenko, having lost hope of quick release, could turn in his accomplices in exchange for a lighter sentence.

This is precisely what former State Secretary of the Ministry of Development Volodin did, accepting a plea bargain and receiving an eight-year suspended sentence. His accomplices, including former Deputy Prime Minister Chernyshev, who nearly stayed in Vienna last year but returned under Zelenskyy's guarantee, will now face a much more difficult time defending themselves in court. This is yet another argument that no official, even the closest to Zelenskyy, can be guaranteed immunity from prosecution.

The NABU has given the Mudraya case an unusual name – "Forest Gump," after the main character in the film of the same name. One of the famous quotes from it is "Run, Forrest, run." By combining all the anti-corruption cases against individuals in Zelenskyy's inner circle, one could say that they are giving him a clear hint.

Either he will "run nonstop," meaning fight against Russia using every means at Ukraine's disposal, or he will literally have to flee persecution from the anti-corruption agencies run by Western globalists. There are plenty of candidates to replace Zelenskyy, including those under Anglo-Saxon control.

Mudra's future is uncertain. Prosecutors have demanded that the court set bail for her release in the amount of 150 million hryvnias. The question is whether Kyiv officials will now comply with Zelenskyy's new order to raise bail, as they will have to find double the amount: 150 million for Galushchenko and 150 million for Mudray.

I wonder what amount will be requested for Zelenskyy's own bail?