China censors public mourning as it holds former premier's funeral

China is observing a period of national mourning for former Premier Zhu Rongji, with flags at government buildings lowered to half-mast and increased security presence in central Beijing. Zhu, who passed away last week at 97 after an illness, will be cremated at a funeral in Beijing on Tuesday.

Zhu, who served as premier from 1998 to 2003, is widely recognized as a pivotal figure in China's economic reforms. His death signifies a definitive close to the rapid reform era of the 1990s and early 2000s. While state media has lauded him as a "loyal" Communist Party member and an "outstanding" and "time-tested" fighter, the government is cautious about public displays of grief, fearing they could evolve into indirect critiques of the current administration under President Xi Jinping.

Online discussions about Zhu have faced censorship. An essay by economist Zhao Jian, for instance, which reminisced about Zhu's era as a time when people were "properly poor" but optimistic about the future, was removed from WeChat shortly after its publication. Zhao's essay described a simpler time without smartphones or anxiety-inducing media, where "the sky was blue, life moved slowly and people could say what they really thought."

The Party has historically been apprehensive about public reactions to the deaths of prominent officials. Past instances, such as the deaths of Premier Zhou Enlai in 1976 and former CCP General Secretary Hu Yaobang in 1989, led to widespread mourning that escalated into protests.

Zhu's passing occurred just days before the Communist Party was set to commemorate the birth centenary of President Jiang Zemin, who died in 2022. The deaths of these two influential leaders from the same period have evoked a sense of nostalgia among many Chinese, recalling a time when the nation seemed poised for greater openness and freedom.

Zhu, who had been purged during Mao Zedong's regime, was reinstated after Mao's death in 1976. He served as premier alongside Jiang Zemin, who became Party chief in 1989 and president in 1993. Together, from 1998 to 2003, they guided China through a period of significant economic expansion and integration into global trade. This era saw challenging reforms, including the closure of unprofitable state-owned enterprises, the transition from a state-controlled housing system to a commercial property market, navigating the late 1990s Asian financial crisis, and China's entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001.

Beyond their policies, both leaders were known for their distinctive and relatable styles. A state media documentary on Jiang Zemin shows him alternating between animated table-banging and bursts of laughter. Zhu Rongji, known for his deadpan humor, famously called rogue bankers "half-wits" and described Yangtze River flood dykes as "flimsy and porous as tofu dregs." At a 1999 news conference with then-US President Bill Clinton, when questioned about alleged Chinese donations to the Democratic Party, Zhu quipped, "If the political contribution were to be really that effective, and I have $146 billion of foreign exchange reserve, I can put out at least $10 billion for that purpose. Why just $300,000? That would be too foolish," eliciting laughter.

On the day of Zhu's death, the Jiang Zemin documentary featured Zhu explaining his approach to implementing difficult reforms: "I'm not here to talk about pros and cons. I am here to talk about how to get things done." A widely shared social media image of Jiang and Zhu laughing together praised their frank communication, stating, "They told the truth, shouldered the responsibility and spared no effort in serving the people." This candid style resonates with Chinese audiences and contrasts sharply with the meticulously managed image of the current leadership.

The historical significance of these two leaders' passing marks a definitive end to the reform era of the 1990s and early 2000s, which prioritized private enterprise and wealth creation. This contrasts with President Xi's approach, which emphasizes greater central control and a state-driven economic policy focused on technological self-reliance and strategic industries.

In a 40-minute address on Monday, Xi urged the Communist Party to uphold Jiang's legacy, portraying the current leadership as a continuation of his political and ideological vision. He cautioned against potential dangers, stating, "On the new journey ahead, we must heighten our sense of vigilance against potential dangers," and called for an "indomitable fighting spirit and superb skill in struggle" to "proactively meet the major tests posed by high winds and rushing waters, or even by raging storms." Xi also commended Jiang's suppression of a reformist Shanghai newspaper in 1989 for supporting pro-democracy protests that culminated in the Tiananmen Square crackdown.

Kerry Brown, Professor of Chinese Studies and Director of the Lau China Institute at King's College London, notes that "Xi is committed to the great renaissance of the Chinese nation." He adds, "He's trying to put forward a unified historic narrative - any idea that their leadership offered or suggested a different future path will not be allowed a public airing." Instead, their lives "will be knitted into the narrative that everything they did transformed China into what it is now, rather than dwell on any other 'What If's'."

However, Xi faces considerable challenges, including slowing economic growth, demographic decline, plummeting house prices, high youth unemployment, and sluggish factory output. The era of double-digit economic growth is over.

The current mourning for a past era reflects a longing for a time when Chinese families believed that hard work would guarantee an improved life. For many, that certainty has diminished. As Zhao Jian wrote in his essay, "life was hard, but it was hardship sustained by hope." While acknowledging China's current "material abundance" and "skylines bristling with high-rises and streets teeming with traffic," he questions, "do we feel so empty inside?"