A burial row over Zambia's late president has turned its election into a hot contest

A dispute surrounding the burial of Zambia's former president has intensified the nation's upcoming election, which will see over eight million registered voters choose from 14 presidential candidates.

The lingering presence of former President Edgar Lungu, who passed away over a year ago in South Africa, casts a shadow over the Zambian election. His body remains unburied due to a contentious disagreement between current President Hakainde Hichilema and the Lungu family, a situation that has exacerbated political divisions. This controversy has galvanized support for the opposition National Reconciliation Party for Unity and Prosperity (NRPUP), particularly in the northern regions, which are traditional strongholds of Lungu's Patriotic Front (PF). Many view the NRPUP as the most viable option to unseat the current administration.

Conversely, this situation has complicated President Hichilema's bid for a second term and that of his United Party for National Development (UPND), which historically draws its primary support from the southern, western, and north-western parts of the country, as it strives for broader national appeal.

The political fervor is palpable in Lusaka, the capital. The usual commercial buzz of the city's bustling markets is now interwoven with the sounds of campaign songs and jingles beneath the afternoon sun. Election posters featuring presidential and parliamentary candidates adorn lamp posts, shop fronts, and massive billboards, creating an omnipresent visual reminder of the impending vote. All of this unfolds as Zambia braces for one of its most unpredictable elections in years.

On August 13, more than eight million registered voters will cast their ballots for a president and a new parliament. Hichilema, who secured a landslide victory over Lungu in 2021 on a platform of change, is seeking another five-year term. However, what was initially anticipated to be a relatively straightforward contest has been reshaped by Lungu's death, the late surge of opposition challenger Brian Mundubile, persistent cost-of-living pressures, and concerns about electoral integrity. These factors are set against the backdrop of recent constitutional reforms designed to amplify the voices of youth and women.

The prevailing topic of conversation on street corners and in minibus taxis is the cost of living. Zambia has not been immune to the global surge in food and energy prices that followed the pandemic and subsequent geopolitical disruptions. While annual inflation has decreased to approximately 6.6%, its lowest in eight years, and the kwacha currency has strengthened, many households have yet to experience tangible relief.

"The cost of living, I cannot say is okay," states Given Kangwa, a 27-year-old flour-mill worker at Lusaka City Market. "Where I work, for example, the money we are getting paid is not enough and we cannot sustain our lives." Kangwa explains that his monthly salary of about 3,000 kwacha ($157; £117) is barely sufficient to cover essential expenses like food and rent. Theresa Zulu, a street-food vendor, expresses the hardship more starkly: "Money has become so hard to come by. We are trying to stay strong to survive, but things have become really hard for us."

Voters, as always, are critical. Macroeconomic improvements often hold less weight than the rising cost of everyday items, such as cooking oil, which has increased by over 70% in the past five years. Zambians have also contended with an unreliable power supply. A severe drought in 2024-2025 significantly reduced hydropower generation, leading to power outages of up to 20 hours a day in some areas. Although the government has since increased costly electricity imports and accelerated solar projects, easing blackouts in recent months, the memory of darkened homes and spoiled food in refrigerators persists.

President Hichilema, however, defends his administration's record, asserting that he inherited a chaotic situation and has laid the groundwork for future success. "We inherited a broken-down country… the economy was declining," Hichilema told the BBC in Lusaka. Upon taking office in 2021, Zambia was in debt distress and struggling to meet its payment obligations. The subsequent restructuring of over $13 billion (£9.7 billion) in external debt has, according to the president, generated annual savings of approximately $1.9 billion. "That's the money we're putting in the economy… into investment expenditure such as free education."

The free education policy, encompassing primary and secondary levels, has enabled millions of children to return to school. Thousands of teachers and health workers have been hired, and constituency development funds have been substantially increased. Copper production, a cornerstone of the economy, has seen a strong recovery, foreign reserves have reached record levels, and investor confidence has been restored.

Supporters highlight tangible progress. "I think opportunities have been increased, looking at the number of people who have been employed - it has increased amongst civil servants. And, opportunities have just increased," remarked one young woman aspiring to be a teacher. The unemployment rate, as reported by the statistics agency, has slightly decreased from 13% to 11% over the last four years.

Critics, however, argue that these benefits have not yet reached a sufficient number of families. Civil society groups also express concern that despite Hichilema's pledges of a more open democracy, some opposition figures have been silenced after being convicted of hate speech.

The political landscape underwent a dramatic shift with Lungu's death on June 5 last year. Although courts had previously ruled him ineligible to run again after two election victories, his passing removed the opposition's most recognizable figure, initially appearing to clear a smoother path for the incumbent. Lungu's PF party subsequently fractured, with some politicians and supporters migrating to other opposition groups. This accelerated the consolidation of a fragmented opposition around Brian Mundubile, a 55-year-old lawyer, accountant, and former government chief whip under Lungu.

Within weeks of filing his nomination papers in May, Mundubile's popularity surged as the presidential candidate of an opposition coalition, the Tonse-Pamodzi Alliance, running under the previously obscure NRPUP banner. Makebi Zulu, a lawyer closely associated with the Lungu family, is his running mate. The alliance has effectively leveraged lingering loyalty in former PF strongholds and public frustration over the cost of living.

Mundubile's core message emphasizes generational change and inclusivity. "We are moving the women and the youth from the margins to the centre of policy and economic transformation," he told the BBC. "We believe the youths have solutions to most of their challenges. What they don't have is a big brother, what they don't have is a caring government to be able to assist them achieve their objectives and goals. So I'm positioning myself as president as big brother to the youth."

The legacy of Lungu continues to influence the race in unexpected ways. The unresolved dispute over the former president's burial, with his family refusing Hichilema's involvement, has become a potent political symbol. Mundubile has publicly vowed that he and Zulu would ensure a dignified burial if they win the election. Enock Mabenga, a second-hand clothes seller, stated his support for Mundubile "because we want to improve our lives."

However, not everyone is convinced by the opposition's potential return. "I wouldn't love to see them come back in the first place because we gave them a chance to rule the country and we saw what they did," said Edith Muntanga, in her late 30s, referencing the previous government's record on corruption and governance.

This election marks the first under significant constitutional changes enacted in late 2025. The amendments introduced a mixed-member system for the National Assembly, with most seats allocated on a constituency basis and some reflecting each party's proportion of votes. The number of constituency seats has increased from 156 to 226, and 40 additional seats will be awarded through proportional representation: 20 for women, 15 for youth (under 35), and five for persons with disabilities. These reforms aim to boost representation in a parliament where women have historically been under-represented, though their ultimate impact remains to be seen.

On the presidential ballot itself, gender representation is limited: of the 14 candidates cleared by the electoral commission, only one is a woman—independent Given Katuta. To win in the first round, a presidential candidate must secure more than 50% of the votes cast. If no candidate reaches this threshold, a second round will be triggered within 37 days, a possibility given the fragmented field.

Civil society groups have raised concerns about the integrity of the electoral process. Linda Kasonde, a human rights activist and former president of the Law Association of Zambia, has questioned the composition of the electoral commission. "In terms of the constitution of the electoral commission itself, a number of the members of the commission are actually politically aligned to the incumbent ruling party and are not seen to be independent," she stated. "And so we're yet to see how they'll manage the actual election, but in the run-up to the election, there is some disquiet as to whether or not they're acting in the interest of all Zambians." The commission has consistently refuted accusations of political bias, asserting that it operates strictly "within a constitutional mandate [and] adheres to principles of transparency and independence."

Zambia boasts a proud history of peaceful elections and democratic transfers of power. This history is frequently invoked by all political factions. Nevertheless, a combination of declining trust in institutions, the persistent cost of living, and the unresolved matter of a former president's final resting place have made this contest exceptionally difficult to predict. As campaign rallies fill football grounds, Zambians are weighing the tangible achievements of the past five years against the daily struggles that continue to define their lives. On August 13, they will deliver their verdict.